Ambassador Ivo H. Daalder
United States Permanent Representative
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

The Netherlands Atlantic Commission
The Hague
September 3, 2009


Ambassador Daalder: Thank you, Mr. Bergman. I’m not sure after that introduction that my mother would recognize me, but I hope my father still does. [Laughter]. Thank you very much.

Goedemiddag, dames en heren. And that’s all I’ll say in Dutch. [Laughter].

I was in this room twice last year – once in October to talk about the elections. I think I predicted victory for Barack Obama, so I’m at least one for zero. But I was also here in March 2008 at the invitation of The Atlantic Commission to join with Minister Verhagen and others to discuss the issues of nuclear weapons, which is one of the most critical foreign policy issues of our time.

I’m very glad to be back. Back to the Atlantic Commission in my first visit in my new capacity. I’ll let you in on a little secret: back then, when I was here last in March of 2008, I thought I might come back to government if Barack Obama won, but I certainly didn’t think I was going to come back here as an ambassador representing Barack Obama in NATO – an organization that the Atlantic Commission has done so much to support and an institution I feel very very close to as a citizen who grew up in both the United States and Europe.

I talked about the issue of nuclear weapons last time. Indeed, that is an issue that remains one of the highest priorities of President Obama. That’s why he devoted his first major foreign policy speech in Prague to declare that the United States now seeks a world without nuclear weapons.

But today, rather than talking about that issue, however much I’d like to talk about it, it is an issue left for another day. I’d like to talk about another top priority of President Obama - one that has real implications for the world in which we live and for the future that we have for our children. It’s the issue of Afghanistan.

I would like to talk about why Afghanistan matters – not just to the United States, but to the Netherlands and to NATO, and to international community as a whole. I’d like to discuss how the United States and NATO have changed their approach to this conflict. I’d also like to look at the significant accomplishments that come from this change in approach. And finally I’ll talk a few words about the way ahead.

As the Permanent Representative of the United States to NATO, Afghanistan is my first, my second, and my third priority. The reason is very clear. As President Obama once again has said a couple of weeks ago, “This is not a war of choice. This is a war of necessity.”

The extremists who plotted and executed the attacks on September 11, 2001 are still operating in Afghanistan and are plotting attacks even now against Americans and Europeans.

Hiding in the Hindu Kush and elsewhere in the region, they continue to breed violence and extremism that threaten us here at home in the West. Through suicide bombs, IEDs, and daily bloodshed and intimidation, they pose an even more immediate threat to the lives of ordinary Afghan citizens, to Afghan security forces, and to our own brave troops in the field.

Continuing to press forward in Afghanistan is in the national security interest of all 42 nations engaged in combat there. Along with you and others in the international community, we in the United States are determined never again to let Afghanistan become a safe haven for terrorists.

Let’s be absolutely clear. The situation in Afghanistan is serious, and we are being challenged as never before. Over the past few years our enemies have grown more violent, more sophisticated, and more numerous within the Afghan borders – and beyond into Pakistan.

Time is not on our side. So it’s important that we get this effort right.

Recognizing the challenge we face – and realizing that the existing strategy was not working and that not enough resources were being devoted to the conflict - President Obama, in the first week he entered office, ordered a broad strategic review of our efforts in Afghanistan.

Putting into practice his pledge that the United States would approach the world by, and I quote, “listening, learning, and leading,” the President initiated a robust discussion with all our partner nations that have a stake in this conflict. In his first few months in office, he met with Afghan, Pakistani, and Allied leaders in Washington, and he repeatedly sent his most senior officials to the region and to Europe. Vice President Biden came twice - once to the North Atlantic Council where he sat at the table with ambassadors to hear their perspective on how Afghanistan was going and how Afghanistan needed to proceed.

We continued the discussion at the 70-nation strong “Big Tent” meeting here in The Hague on March 31st, and then again at the April NATO Summit in Strasbourg-Kehl. Ultimately, we agreed that success in Afghanistan is crucial for all of us in the international community.

Our objective is clear: we must disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Together, we must ensure that Afghanistan is secure for all Afghans, and through that effort, that our own countries are secure from the threat of terrorism and violent extremism.

The strategy for achieving this goal is founded on three fundamental principles:

First: Afghanistan needs to be seen in a regional context. We know that what happens within Afghanistan’s borders depends to a large extent on what happens outside them. It is simply not enough to fight the insurgency without engaging Afghanistan’s neighbors, and that includes Pakistan in particular.

Second: We need an integrated strategy - what NATO calls the comprehensive approach. One that combines security, good governance and the rule of law, and economic development.

Third: We need to build up Afghanistan’s capacity to take responsibility for its own affairs, for its own fate. We cannot succeed unless the Afghan people take the lead.

We realize that military and counterinsurgency operations are an essential part of the mission in Afghanistan. But that by themselves they are not enough to get a solution. They must be part of a larger effort to help Afghanistan become capable of governing and protecting itself.

In fact, we learned this lesson from the Netherlands and its experience in Uruzgan Province. It is the “3-D” model of Defense, Diplomacy, and Development, which Secretary Clinton has called exactly the right framework for this effort.

When looking at the situation in Afghanistan, we want to be clear that while the problems are serious and challenging, together we have accomplished a great deal already.

Today we have nearly 200,000 troops in Afghanistan today – half of them Afghans, who participate in 90 percent of ISAF operations and increasingly are taking the lead. Of the 100,000 forces in ISAF, nearly 40 percent are provided by NATO and partner countries – and, I should note that 40 percent of the coffins that are being sent back are not from the United States. This is most certainly not an American war. It is a global effort, in which NATO Allies and partners are making a huge investment and suffering significant losses.

Ultimately, we together will want to see the Afghan National Security Force become capable of securing the Afghan population by itself. It’s getting there, as I said, but more needs to be done. We at NATO have established a Training Mission for the Afghan National Army and Police. To grow to its approved strength of 134,000 members, NATO Allies are expanding a Trust Fund to cover the costs of sustaining the Afghan Army over the long haul. European Allies and partners this year pledged some $350 million to this fund, and the United States is spending $5 billion this year and over $7 billion next year to train, equip, and sustain the army and police.

Lately, the training, the professionalism, and the courage of all our forces have been tested as never before. In Helmand Province, the media have reported extensively about our recent operations. ISAF in July launched a major offensive involving British, American, and Afghan troops aimed at breaking the Taliban’s hold over the region and restoring stability.

Sadly, that has meant increased numbers of deaths and wounded among our soldiers and Marines. But over and over again, we have tactically defeated the Taliban, and the local population is well aware of our gains and thankful for them.

We also have seen other successes, including the capture of 102 tons of opium and drug equipment in Helmand – the largest drug seizure since the foreign troops arrived in 2001. When I was in Helmand last month, Brigadier General Larry Nicholson, commander of “Task Force Leatherneck” which conducted the raid, told me that the cache was so large that the only way it could be destroyed was by bombing it from the air.

Helmand and the other provinces of RC/South – the area now so capably led by the Dutch commander Major General Mart de Kruif – gets much of the attention these days. And understandably so. It’s where the violence is most acute. And where we are pursuing the counterinsurgency strategy of “shaping, clearing, holding, and building.”

After we shape, clear, and hold territory, we are increasingly better at building as a key phase in our strategy. The most important concept of this are the 26 Provincial Reconstruction Teams that are deployed throughout Afghanistan. These PRTs embody a joint military and civilian approach to stabilizing Afghanistan and, increasingly, will be used to facilitate development and reconstruction. Activities in the field include rebuilding damaged schools and hospitals, restoring water supplies and infrastructure, and supporting local governance.

Civilian support is crucial, as the Dutch have already demonstrated in Uruzgan Province. There, the number of children in school has quadrupled - from 12,000 to 50,000; 100 health centers have been built; there are now 31 doctors, up from just two; and infant mortality in Uruzgan has dropped to 25 percent. The former commander of the NATO Task Force in Uruzgan, General Tom Middendorp, says that 75-80 percent of the population in Uruzgan now lives in a much more secure environment.

But in a country where much of the land seems still mired in the Middle Ages, changing the infrastructure from the ground up requires money and expertise – and a great deal of both. Despite the high cost, the international community remains committed to Afghanistan's development, and has altogether pledged $110 billion since 2001, with the United States supplying about half that total. The Dutch contribution to security and reconstruction is more than $2 billion just for the period from 2006 to 2011.
In a country where the average daily income hovers at around $1.50 a day, these totals mean the difference between food on a plate and no food at all. Or perhaps access to a doctor for a pregnant woman. Or a chance to learn to read and write for a young girl; to grow wheat or corn rather than poppies. In short, to have a life worth living.
The strategy we now have in place will not crush the insurgency quickly or immediately. As President Obama has said, “The insurgency in Afghanistan didn’t just happen overnight, and we won’t defeat it overnight.”

But the approach will, I believe, change the course of the war in the months and years ahead. We are still in the early stage. Even the additional troops the United States has promised to deploy are not yet all in place.
The 42 countries involved in this collective effort are all contributing in their own way. Australia - not even a NATO member and surely a long way from the war - has deployed 1,500 troops to fight alongside your forces in Uruzgan. Spain recently announced that it’s increasing its forces by 50 percent - some 400 more troops. The Albanians announced a doubling of their capabilities and forces. The Slovaks are providing polio vaccinations. In big ways and small, many nations are doing their part in this collective effort.
And of course, you here in Holland have long punched well above your weight, making huge contributions to humanitarian relief, economic development aid, and the fight against extremists.
The United States fully acknowledges your government’s decision to end the mandate for your participation in ISAF next year. And let me be absolutely clear: the issue of whether to maintain troops after that point is for the government and the people of the Netherlands to decide – and for no one else.

We also completely understand that part of the reason behind the decision to end the mandate is the fact that the Netherlands has done its fair share in Afghanistan – and then some. Of course, so have other Allies – including Britain, Canada, Denmark, and others.

Within any Alliance, and in all operations, some countries will have to take a leading role. The United States knows all too well about that. But that alone is not a reason for doing less.

The Dutch forces have worked so hard and accomplished so much in leading the effort in Afghanistan. Therefore, in deciding on any future involvement in Afghanistan, it may well be fair to ask if the best way to protect this considerable investment isn’t by continuing to remain engaged in this country and in this effort in some substantial way.
The coming year to 18 months is going to be crucial. We need to show visible progress so that our publics at home know their sacrifices have not been in vain. Our citizens need to know that we are making progress toward our essential goal of defeating the insurgency and supporting the Afghans in their effort to secure and govern their own country. And the Afghan people need to know we’re committed to getting the job done and helping them stand on their own.
Our exit strategy will be defined by our success.
In this vein, last month’s presidential elections marked a key moment in Afghanistan’s progress. As you know, they were the first Afghan-led elections at the provincial and presidential level since the 1970s.

They took place under difficult, testing – and sometimes violent – circumstances. But this was an opportunity for Afghan citizens to renew ties with their own government. It was a significant process, however imperfect.

There were many positive aspects to the election: a real debate among the candidates, women among the contenders, rallies throughout the country, and a vibrant media. Altogether, it was a very civil and national debate, and it was led by the Afghan people themselves.

Now it is up to the people of Afghanistan to determine the final outcome.

The Independent Election Commission expects that final results will be available around September 17th, and only the IEC can certify results. We call on all candidates and their supporters to act responsibly. We need to wait until all the votes are counted - something we in America know a thing or two about!

Only the IEC can determine if a run-off is necessary, and they have not yet made that determination. Now we are waiting for the Afghan electoral process to be completed.

We believe that the new President of Afghanistan, once he or she is inaugurated, needs to take immediate, decisive action to set out and deliver a reform agenda, including training of security forces, tackling corruption through accountability and transparency mechanisms, reintegrating former insurgents, and working with neighbors to promote stability and security.

The Afghan elections have brought a window of opportunity for change and reform. We can’t afford to lose the momentum.
Earlier this week, the Commander of the international forces, General Stanley McChrystal sent a report on our implementation efforts to Secretary Gates and the NATO Secretary General. The assessment, which is still under review, seeks to implement NATO’s comprehensive approach and President Obama’s strategy to reduce the capability and the will of the insurgents, supports the growth in the capacity and development of the Afghan National Security Forces, and facilitates improvements in governance and socio-economic development.
General McChrystal, while noting the situation is indeed serious, has stated that “success is achievable” based on “a revised implementation strategy, commitment and resolve, and increased unity of effort.”

I believe we can and will succeed because we now have our eyes on the ball. We’re better, stronger, and more capable because we’re acting together.

We have an A-Team on location: new leadership on the ground, in Brussels, and in world capitals. In the coming weeks and months, we will bring collective resources to the task as never before, involving all our international partners and all international organizations. We will support the Afghans as they build a durable and secure state.

And we are creating a safe environment for the Afghan people throughout the country, and we are now on our way towards establishing a lasting framework for reconstruction and development throughout Afghanistan. We know these efforts must now work in tandem.

As General Nicholson said in July from Helmand Province, "What makes this all so very different in this operation is where we go, we stay; where we stay, we hold; where we hold, we build; and where we build, we work with an eye toward transition." That is our strategy – and that’s how we hope to succeed.

Thank you for your attention and I’ll be happy to take your questions.

[Applause].


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